A&O – BIASES – congenital and acquired – notes

ART & ORGANISM

 

BIAS, INTUITION, PREJUDICE

notes

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 In ART and SCIENCE,

In ETHOLOGY as in PHENOMENOLOGY

we cannot proceed

without a concerted effort

to be aware of one’s biases,

a heroic task given how much bias

is implicit in human nature itself 

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Who can discern his own errors? Cleanse me from my hidden faults.

Psalm 19:12


 A great many people think they are thinking when they are merely rearranging their prejudices.  William James[i]


Is eshewing bias fighting against our own nature?  No!…the struggle has similar existential elements of extreme effort in the pursuit of survival, but the hoped for outcome is maintaing balance.  Imagine walking the gymnast’s balance beam. 

 


 

We are all tattooed in our cradles with the beliefs of our tribe; the record may seem superficial, but it is indelible. You cannot educate a man wholly out of the superstitious fears which were early implanted in his imagination; no matter how utterly his reason may reject them, he will still feel as the famous woman did about ghosts, Je n’y crois pas, mais je les crains,—”I don’t believe in them, but I am afraid of them, nevertheless”. 

The Poet at the Breakfast Table (1872) Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr. (father of US Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.) 

 


HOW DO OUR BIASES AFFECT THE ART WE CREATE

 

HOW DOES BIAS AFFECT OUR PERCEPTION OF ART? 

CAN ART SHAPE OUR BIASES? (confirm or disconfirm them?)


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CASE STUDIES:


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  • BIAS is often defined in terms of a deviation from a norm–in A&O it refers more precisely to a CONSTRAINT or LIMITATION on one’s capacity for perception or cognition. Many are congenital, others–the one’s we speak of most often–are acquired.
  • We cannot divest ourselves of BIAS—it is what we are made of from sense organs to the whole organism.  It is a kind of habit, a key shortcut in our processing of experience (see William James, below). 
  • Samuel Taylor Coleridge might say that we must endeavor to overcome habit, “awakening the mind’s attention from the lethargy of custom” (1817)[1] but that would only mitigate some of the misunderstandings that occur as information is transferred from the environment, the body, or some other part of the brain.  It would enhance mindfulness.  And like cognitive processes at every level of organization, habit is dysfunctional when there is a deficit or when it is manifest in excess. 
  • An excess of habit becomes despotic—the  straitjacket of the imagination, even paralyzing.   John Stewart Mill observed that “The despotism of custom is everywhere the standing hindrance to human advancement, being in unceasing antagonism to that disposition to aim at something better than customary, which is called, according to circumstances, the spirit of liberty, or that of progress or improvement” (in: Liberty, XVIII: 272).  BUT ALSO, as William James put it, habit “…is … the enormous fly‑wheel of society, its most precious  conservative agent (Principles of  Psychology I:121, 1892). Alfred North Whitehead spoke of the error of cultivating  the habit of thinking of what we are doing, “The precise opposite is the case.  Civilization advances by extending the number of important operations which we can perform without thinking about them.” …  “Operations of thought are like cavalry charges in a battle—they are strictly limited in number , they require fresh horses, and must only be made at decisive moments. (1911) Introduction to Mathematics ch.5.).  And yet, our most basic metaphysical assumptions are based on a habit of thinking: it is “Custom [that] determines the mind to suppose the future will follow the past,” said David Hume   [look also at Robertson and Miyahara’s (2020) comments in PSYCHE:  in-praise-of-habits][ 

BIAS is so pervasive and manifests at some many levels of organization that it is infuriating to try and tease out the strands of congenital and acquired determinants.  At every level, from cells to societies, one’s development, ecology, evolution, and physiology alter its relative influence on its causes and consequences of behavior in any given situation.   Bias meets an important need but like all servants of the self it is subject to the principles of “nothing in excess” with respect to individual behavior and “natural selection” in the long run. 

 

“Now Art, used collectively for painting, sculpture, architecture and music,  is the mediatress between, and reconciler of, nature and man.  It is,  therefore, the power of humanizing nature, of infusing the thoughts and  passions of man into everything which is the object of his contemplation”   (Coleridge, On Poesy or Art, 1818).

[In science we seek freedom from prejudices of our culture–even our species.  Is art different?  should it be?]

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 Bias: predilections, prejudices, habits necessarily intrude on the deepest possible representation of what’s on an artist’s mind–Japanese aesthetics speaks to this with the concept MUSHIN.  

“Japanese design had something to say about Mushin as eschewing bias/baggage;  “Mushin is actually two words— mu, which means “no,” or “without,” and shin, which means “mind” or “spirit,” and in some uses “heart.” Mushin is generally translated as “no mind” or “without mind”: that is, without the self. In other words, mushin refers to a mind that has been totally freed of all mental baggage. This is a Zen concept, and it refers to a state of mind in which the ego and all the other bits and pieces of memory that are perceived as “knowledge” have been eliminated from the mind. This state of mind is what Japanese artists, landscape designers, and samurai swordsmen traditionally attempted to achieve in order to prevent the ego and preconceived notions from interfering with their actions. Both consciously and subconsciously, Japanese designers and engineers approaching a new project attempt to empty their minds of all preconceived concepts and ideas. In this way they view the challenge with a mind that is perfectly free. This is a state of mind that is also referred to asmuga.

(De Mente,Boye Lafayette. Elements of Japanese Design (pp. 45-46). Tuttle Publishing. Kindle Edition.)

BUT THE ARTISTIC ATTITUDE must consider the artists contribution:  For example, ESORAGATO*, a term which represents the artist’s internal state–their umwelt, the inner state that incorporates the individual’s uniqueness… their unique combination of congenital and acquired percepts and concepts.   


 

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CASE STUDY: FORENSIC SCIENCE  “In the span of a decade, cognitive bias went from being almost totally unheard of in forensics to common knowledge in the lab”–Brandon Garrett.  (see “The Bias Hunter” in Science 12 May 2022) :

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A GLOSSARY OF BIAS

Pioneer in calling attention to unconscious bias in forensics and the law,  Itiel Dror and his collaborators, have coined various terms to describe how bias sneaks into forensic analysis—and how experts perceive and react to their biases.

  • TARGET-DRIVEN BIAS Subconsciously working backward from a suspect to crime scene evidence, and thus fitting the evidence to the suspect—akin to shooting an arrow at a target and drawing a bull’s-eye around where it hits
  • CONFIRMATION BIAS Focusing on one suspect and highlighting the evidence that supports their guilt, while ignoring or dismissing evidence to the contrary
  • BIAS CASCADE When bias spills from one part of the investigation to another, such as when the same person who collects evidence from a crime scene later does the laboratory analysis and is influenced by the emotional impact of the crime scene
  • BIAS SNOWBALL A kind of echo chamber effect in which bias gets amplified because those who become biased then bias others, and so on
  • BIAS BLIND SPOT The belief that although other experts are subject to bias, you certainly are not
  • EXPERT IMMUNITY The belief that being an expert makes a person objective and unaffected by bias
  • ILLUSION OF CONTROL The belief that when an expert is aware of bias, they can overcome it by a sheer act of will
  • BAD APPLES The belief that bias is a matter of incompetence or bad character
  • TECHNOLOGICAL PROTECTION The belief that the use of technology, such as computerized fingerprint matching or artificial intelligence, guards against bias

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ART.  The many elements that converge on one’s view of an art work are affected by its physical or psycho/sociological context–either the one in which you are operating or your opinion of the context in which it was created–even the possible state of mind of the artist.

MUSIC: hearing what you expect:  http://www.education.com/science-fair/article/hear-what-they-want-to-hear/

 

We can see in ART HISTORY the extent to which knowing the past can alert us to the biases that now inform our perceptions.  We are, of course, immersed in the past–carried along in this”river of time” (to use Oliver Sacks’ term).  Goethe was quoted by Tallman (2020) for his observation that beauty is never universal:

The man who emerges from childhood and raises his eyes does not find nature, as it were, pure and naked around him…. He is so enclosed within imposed acclimatizations, conventional usages, favourite customs, venerable traditions, treasured monuments, beneficial laws, and so many splendid products of art that he never learns to distinguish what is original and what is derived.

 

… “Art history is, inevitably, a story imposed on a selected group of artifacts by people who, consciously or unconsciously, have predilections and agendas. Ideally, the story grows from the objects, and the question of which objects is what animates both conservative critics and the protesters in the streets. As Wood and Michaud demonstrate, the canon has never been static. New things come in, old things get weeded out and sometimes come back. As for the current row over monuments, memorials, and statues, a few things are clear. We cannot limit public art to works whose subjects and styles are in lockstep with our own ethics; our museums would be empty if we did. Neither, however, can we ignore the reality that certain forms of public display act as endorsements of the values of those who erected them.”   (quoting Tallman (2020)[2] from A&O notes on ART HISTORY)

COGNITIVE CONTEXT. 

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The great epics of our Western culture, instantiated by emotion (“Sing, Muse, of the Wrath of Achilles…”) or by exploration and discovery (“Tell me, o Muse, of the ingenious hero who travelled far and wide…”)  represent assumptions of cause and effect and meaning in life that diffuse to every aspect of social life and even how to reflect on our selves. They do not require absorption in the epic itself.   Another example is the great epics of India.  “The great poet and translator A.K. Ramanujan used to say that no one in India ever hears the Mahabharata (or its sister epic, the Ramayana) for the first time. One grows up with these texts as a deep part of the self, their characters serving as models for all kinds of human conduct, more often than not self-destructive, and for a vast range of emotion and sensation.” (From David Shulman’s review of Karthika Naïr’s Until the Lions: Echoes from the Mahabharata; in NYRB, Sept 24, 2020)

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SO, the BIAS that we bring to every experience is rooted in every levels of organization from genetic to cultural—congenital and acquired.  From implicit, hard to discern bias, to explicit, easily acknowledged influences on the way you think, it is part of the human condition.   

MORE: You have been hearing about developmental experiences that affect  the way you perceive and think—and of special interest recently is the “WEIRD bias” (discussed in a SLATE essay in 2013). 

ERROR-DETECTION AND MITIGATION. (from A&O notes on COGNITIVE DISSONANCE) Arguably, bias is energized by nonconscious efforts to minimize cognitive dissonance—the discomfort that comes from a mismatch between internal expectations and the world as it is experienced.  Outside one’s body, whether person-to-person or via computers, it is critical that transmitted and received information match each other. (read about “error-detection” in computer systems).  At a very deep level of organization, the brain automatically invokes a process called “error detection,”  and makes tiny adjustments to minimize it.  (Any effort to minimize “cognitive effort” is considered an advantage—adaptive if its cost of errors does not exceed the benefits of rapid, automatic responses.) In the brain, error can evoke a unique signature (an “error-related negativity” wave) that can be detected and sometimes elicits a “feeling” that something is wrong (read a Spiegel essay on a possible source of “intuition”)[i]. 

  • Fitting-in: there is a long List of cognitive biases listed in Wikipedia … a significant bias is aimed at making new information fit in with ongoing corollary stimuli or previous percepts or concepts  

Analogous to the physiological sensory processes, interpolation (biased by surround) and extrapolation (biased by preceding) .  A special case may be anthropomorphism (and a myriad other morphisms) seeing the unfamiliar in the light of the familiar.  (read David Fox’s brief essay, “In Our Own Image” about how all kinds of things we interact with are endowed with human traits HERE

Ethologists studying an unfamiliar species (or a psychologist studying a person with unfamiliar behavior) work at minimizing the influence of bias on what they observe and how they interpret it. (the most obvious biases to ethologists are unwarrented extrapolation from other species (not least our selves) with which they are more familiar).

In other words, WHILE BIAS seeps or penetrates into every aspect of our lives, we should all be on guard, particularly when taking action. The essential comparative dimension of ethology, with its strong grounding in evolutionary biology, automatically emphasizes the similarities and differences of species has done much to make this discipline particularly aware.  Similarly, the comparative aspects within phenomenology makes much of the urgency (and difficulty) of purging one’s self of bias.  It is part of enabling new ways of being in the world.


BIAS is HIGHLIGHTED in many DOMAINS. for example:

 

  • NOISE… interesting new work on “NOISE” at https://www.newscientist.com/article/mg25033391-200-the-biggest-flaw-in-human-decision-making-and-how-to-fix-it/#ixzz6ydCL3P4M Saved at C:\Users\Neil Greenberg\Dropbox\A&O\BIAS – NOISE (Kahneman & Sibony 2021 in NS).docx   Article seems off-target Oct 18, 2020: WAGNERISM, Art & Politics by Alex Ross: (His life and his legacy was and remains to this day a continuum in which enchantment, even ravishment, comes hand in hand with provocation and controversy, adoration and loathing.” … “…this is ‘a book about a musician’s influence on non-musicians — resonances and reverberations of one art form into others.’ Music is of course omnipresent in its overwhelming sensual and emotive force, but Ross’s purpose is rather to examine the effect it produced … when combined with the stagecraft, poetry, iconography and deep psychological intuition that constitute Wagner’s unique wizardry.”) https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/16/books/review/wagnerism-alex-ross.html             
    • NOISE BIAS: Skeptic EPISODE # 189 w/ Daniel Kahneman — Noise: A Flaw in Human Judgment … Shermer speaks with Daniel Kahneman about the detrimental effects of noise and what we can do to reduce both noise and bias, and make better decisions in: medicine, law, economic forecasting, forensic science, bail, child protection, strategy, performance reviews, and personnel selection.
  • PERCEPTUAL BIAS:  saved at C:\Users\Neil Greenberg\Dropbox\My PC (GREENBERG7510)\Documents\PHENOMENOLOGY -back-up folder\PHENOMENOLOGY – EMBODIMENT\DEEP – BIASES in PERCEPTION.docx  (= https://journals.plos.org/ploscompbiol/article?id=10.1371/journal.pcbi.1004649 )  “In real-world settings, objects frequently produce signals that simultaneously stimulate multiple sensory modalities. Considering the opposing biases in the visual and auditory modalities  [“visual localizations show a bias towards the center of space, while auditory localizations show a bias towards the periphery.”], when visual and auditory stimuli co-occur at the same spatial location, which bias emerges during localization? The results show that visual bias dominates, however, the magnitude of the central bias in the visual modality is reduced when the visual stimulus is integrated with a co-occurring auditory stimulus, thus revealing an additional advantage of multisensory integration: the reduction of perceptual biases.
    • spotted something about perceptual biases: “In real-world settings, objects frequently produce signals that simultaneously stimulate multiple sensory modalities. Considering the opposing biases in the visual and auditory modalities  [“visual localizations show a bias towards the center of space, while auditory localizations show a bias towards the periphery.”], when visual and auditory stimuli co-occur at the same spatial location, which bias emerges during localization? The results show that visual bias dominates, however, the magnitude of the central bias in the visual modality is reduced when the visual stimulus is integrated with a co-occurring auditory stimulus, thus revealing an additional advantage of multisensory integration: the reduction of perceptual biases.Saved article at C:\Users\Neil Greenberg\Dropbox\My PC (GREENBERG7510)\Documents\PHENOMENOLOGY -back-up folder\PHENOMENOLOGY – EMBODIMENT\DEEP – BIASES in PERCEPTION.docx )
  •  BRAIN.  CORTICOCENTRIC BIAS: an example of logic of the lamppost? : https://science.sciencemag.org/content/372/6548/1265
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  • BIASES that affect PERCEPTION of REALITY: https://greatergood.berkeley.edu/article/item/eight_reasons_to_distrust_your_own_perceptions
  • A&O—BIAS: COMPLEXITY BIAS: https://fs.blog/2018/01/complexity-bias/   SIMPLICITY BIAS (A&O site): Occam’s Razor, my disposition for “cutting to the heart” (“finding the seed crystal” or “irreducible essence”) of an issue about which there is much conflicting or confusing commentary, such as “existentialism.”  
  • A&O BIAS in Medicine: Structural racism, or the discriminatory policies, practices, and systems that reinforce an unequal distribution of power and resources in social institutions…”  https://science.sciencemag.org/content/372/6540/348 saved locally: C:\Users\greenberg\Dropbox\NEIL NEW\BIAS in MEDICINE  (Fair & Johnson 2021 SCIENCE).docx           [LINK]

 

  • LINGUISTIC BIAS. 
    •  

      LANGUAGE.  “In a series of clever experiments guided by pointed questions, [Lera Boroditsky] is amassing evidence that … language shapes thought. The effect is powerful enough, she says, that ‘the private mental lives of speakers of different languages may differ dramatically,’ not only when they are thinking in order to speak, ‘but in all manner of cognitive tasks,’ including basic sensory perception. ‘Even a small fluke of grammar’—the gender of nouns—‘can have an effect on how people think about things in the world,’ she says.”  (Newsweek 2009)[8]

      • Your native language affects what you can and can’t see.  And how you are seen… Your everyday language affects how you are perceived by others:

         “Amid our discussions of racism, sexism and even classism, we don’t spend much time thinking about the ways we can be biased when it comes to how people speak. It is, however, one of the last prejudices permissible in polite society. As Kinzler notes, “Linguistic bias is part of our basic cultural fabric. It is so ubiquitous that we don’t even think about it. It’s sanctioned by the law, it’s allowed by culture, and it’s practiced so frequently that people do not even realize when it is happening. Linguistic discrimination is seen as normal and typical, and because of this, it flies beneath the radar.”(“from The Biases We Hold Against the Way People Speak”  By John McWhorter  July 21, 2020  https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/21/books/review/how-you-say-it-katherine-kinzler.html  Review of  HOW YOU SAY IT: Why You Talk the Way You Do — and What It Says About You  By Katherine D. Kinzler).

BIAS and RELEVANCE

SALIENCE:  in the light of congenital disposition, past and concurrent experience, a stimulus is judged to be more or less relevant … deserving of specific behavioral responses.

ARBITERS of RELEVANCE.   Our perceptions of the relevance of stimuli can be easily distorted — particularly when we find our “stone-age brain” dealing with modern stimuli and situations. 

 

AN EVOLUTIONARY PERSPECTIVE on impediments to accurate perception is exemplified by RISK ASSESSMENT.  As our “stone age brains” deal with modern problems, the most ancient and conservative arbiters of relevance prevail.  As mentioned below, we seem to possess innate wiring naturally selected to help us “… avoid dangers by calculating odds based on factors that you’d expect as well as others that may surprise you.”  In fact, risks are more compelling if their outcomes are gruesome, if we have little or no control over our vulnerability, and if they are relatively novel.  We may feel our lives more at risk from SARS than flu, even though flu is the greater danger, and HIV not as threatening as excessive UV light exposure.  

“If I made charbroiled beef even a weekly part of my diet, it would raise my lifetime cancer risk by an additional 1 in 50,000–five times my annual risk of dying in a plane crash.” 

 

“Our prehistoric ancestors faced many lethal hazards. Sanitary conditions in the wild weren’t great, so people were in constant danger of becoming ill from tainted foods. Worse, while foraging for snacks, they could easily become something else’s dinner. On balance, however, our forebears must have evolved good ways of assessing risk, or I wouldn’t be writing this—and you wouldn’t be reading it.

Recent neurological research suggests that we are innately wired to avoid dangers by calculating odds based on factors that you’d expect as well as others that may surprise you.”  (From Neuroquest Sept 2003: http://discovermagazine.com/2003/sep/neuroquest/?searchterm=risk)

PROPAGANDA (information, especially of a biased or misleading nature, used to promote or publicize a particular political cause or point of view.)[3]

PREJUDICE (a specific quality of positive or negative bias in which evaluation of another person is based on beliefs about them based on their presumed membership in and general assumptions about a group of which they may be a member, such as gender and sexuality, religion and beliefs, , social class, age, physical appearance and beauty, disability, race/ethnicity,  nationality and language,  occupation,  education,  criminalitysport team affiliation. (Wikipedia)  

 

DEVELOPMENT

  • Human infants manifest bias in preferences for skin color …

ECOLOGY

  • Inattentional blindness
  • Search image involves strong bias for recently successful action that persists until possibilities are exhausted even when alternatives are available – is this a kind of  “sustained inattentional blindness” ?   There appear to be separate cerebral sites for attention modulation and the creation of that modulation …. for sensory attention (rt hemisphere) and motor attention (left hemisphere) (John G. Taylor 2003) [4]

EVOLUTION

  • Sensory Bias in sexual selection: the preferences of the reproductive partner influence the evolution of signals to get their attention.  “sensory exploitation” in some animal behavior literature.
  • Cognitive Bias:
    • HUMANS, LIKE OTHER ANIMALS, see the world through the lens of evolved adaptations. In vision, for example, the experience of color is mediated by the adaptations of the eye, which in the human case uses wavelengths of electromagnetic radiation between about 380 and 760 nanometers, allowing us to see hues ranging from red to violet. But, there are other possible colors on earth. Recent work on bird species demonstrates that “blue” tits are actually ultraviolet (Hunt, Bennett, Cuthill, & Griffiths, 1998). The feathers of the male blue tit reflect ultraviolet radiation (300 to 400 nm), and females display a preference for males with the brightest ultraviolet crests (Hunt et al., 1998). Some reptiles, such as rattlesnakes, see light in the infrared range (see Goldsmith, 1990, for a review). Color is not an inherent property of an object; it is constructed by the interaction of reflected radiation in the environment with evolved visual mechanisms in the perceiver (Bennett, Cuthill, & Norris, 1994).
    • Using faculties of social perception, humans construct images of the social world in similar ways. Like color, sexual attractiveness is not a feature of the world that preexists the mechanisms that perceive it, and what is sexually attractive varies depending on the perceiver. Within humans, what appears attractive in a man depends on adaptively relevant variables that differ between female perceivers and within individual perceivers at different points in time. Women who are higher in physical attractiveness themselves find facially masculine men more attractive than do less attractive women (Little, Burt, Penton-Voak, & Perrett, 2001). Even more dramatic, women’s ratings of men’s attractiveness vary across the menstrual cycle, with more facially masculine men preferred near ovulation and less masculine men preferred at other times (Penton-Voak et al., 1999). Thus, a man that a woman sees as particularly attractive on one day might seem less so on another, even though he has not changed at all.
    • It appears that the “there” of familiar experience is one that the mind has a role in constructing. The mind translates the properties of the world, such as electromagnetic radiation and the contours of objects, into useful units of information. One of the most dramatic demonstrations of the role of the mind in our apprehension of the world is the existence of cognitive biases. A wide range of biases, which we review in the next section, has been discovered by psychologists. Where biases exists, individuals draw inferences or adopt beliefs where the evidence for doing so in a logically sound manner is either insufficient or absent.
    • As well as being interesting in their own right, biases are important to study because they often reveal the design of the mind. In this chapter, we present a three-category framework for understanding cognitive biases from an evolutionary perspective, and we discuss what biases in each category can tell us about the evolved mind. We conclude by describing the implications of this evolutionary psychological perspective on biases. For example, the functional specificity of these biases reveals the intricacy of the mind’s design and supports the key hypothesis that the mechanisms of mind are domain-specific. The conclusion that many biases are not the result of constraints or mysterious irrationalities also speaks to the ongoing debate about human rationality. Our perspective suggests that biases often are not design flaws, but design features.” (Haselton MG, Nettle D, Andrews PW (2005). “The evolution of cognitive bias.” (PDF). Chapter 25 In Buss DM (ed.). Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology. Hoboken: Wiley. pp. 724–746.)
      •  
  • Sexual Selection

PHYSIOLOGY

  • Cognitive processing shifts toward more adaptive patterns in the presence of specific hormones:
    • Sex peptides and steroids to identify (selective attention) take advantage of reproductive opportunities;  ovulation and perceived masculinity research
    • Stress peptides and steroids to identify and respond appropriately to threats and opportunities for gratification.[5]  
  • “Chronic Stress biases decision-making strategies, affecting the ability of stressed animals to perform actions on the basis of their consequences.”[10]
  • Stress biases organisms towards more familiar models: “with atrophy of medial prefrontal cortex and the associative striatum and hypertrophy of the sensorimotor striatum (Dias-Ferreira et al. 2009)[6]
  • Pareidolia & stress … conservative (“safe”) bias increased under stress

 


 NON-CONSCIOUS BIAS

Strictly speaking, bias represents a short-cut and we are full of them, genetically design over evolutionary time to attend to only those stimuli that deserved attention in some ancestral environment;  then those we fine-tune or learn after we are born and have direct experience of the current environment.

They manifest as habits …a good thing in most circumstances (“Civilization advances by extending the number of important operations which we can perform without thinking about them.” (Alfred North Whitehead (1911) Introduction to Mathematics ch.5.)

Most bias is nonconscious … that’s what makes it particularly valuable or costly, depending on circumstances.

Biases and habits are heuristic shortcuts that facilitate learning and save time (and thus energy) — but only in moderation (which itself is of varying advantage depending on the how stressful the environment and how urgent the need for creative problem solving).  Obviously there is a downside to conservatism or rigidity–the curse of bias and habit: Thoreau wrote,“It is only necessary to behold the least fact or phenomenon, however familiar, from a point a hair’s breadth aside from our habitual path or routine, to be overcome, enchanted by its beauty and significance … To perceive freshly, with fresh senses is to be inspired.” (Journal Dec 11 1855 8:44) and Coleridge cautioned us to “overcome habit, “awakening the mind’s attention from the lethargy of custom”  (1817)

DEEP ETHOLOGY: Scholars of the physiology of stress know the reliably anxiolytic effect of NOVELTY: READ about THE FAMILIARITY BIAS

  • Analysis of bias?  The “Implicit Association Test” developed by Anthony Greenwald and Mahzarin Benaji – it is a list of words to be responded to by making a check mark if it is “animal or good” OR “plant or bad” … then another list of words with the associations “plant or good” or “animal or bad”  — this is powerful in revealing prejudices you may have been unaware of.  (Discover Oct 2003 p.88)


METAPHOR:   “…every experience takes place within a vast background of cultural presuppositions. Cultural assumptions, values, and attitudes are not a conceptual overlay which we may or may not place upon experience as we choose. It would be more correct to say that all experience is cultural through and through, that we experience our “world” in such a way that our culture is already present in the very experience itself.” (Lakoff & Johnson 2003:57).

COUNTER-INTUITIVE BELIEFS

  • For example, the flow … the passage of time … seems fundamental to human perception … BUT “nothing in known physics corresponds to thye passage of time. Indeed, physicists insist that time doesn’t flow at all; it merely is.” (Paul Davies. 2002. “That Mysterious Flow.” Sci Amer. Sept 2002:40-47.

 


How social perception can automatically influence behavior:     Abstract:  “Do we always know the reasons for our actions? Or is our behavior sometimes unknowingly and unintentionally influenced by what we have recently perceived? It has been traditionally assumed that the automatic influence of knowledge in memory is limited to people’s interpretation of the world, and stops short of shaping their actual behavior. Researchers in experimental social psychology have begun to challenge this assumption by documenting how people’s behaviors can be unknowingly influenced by knowledge that is incidentally activated in memory during social perception. We review findings that suggest that the social knowledge that is incidentally activated while reading words or imagining events subsequently affects participants’ behaviors across a range of ostensibly unrelated domains.” —  How social perception can automatically influence behavior”  by  Melissa J. Ferguson and John A. Bargh (2004)   TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.8 No.1 January 2004    http://tics.trends.com 1364-6613/$ – see front matter q 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.tics.2003.11.004


CULTURE

DUALISM –    it is likely that in the history of thought, this way of conceptualizing is rooted in personal or species exceptionalism] [kinds of dualism in the history of thought in Wikipedia and Stanford Enyclopedia of Philosophy]

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DUALISM.  Oliver Sacks:  “There has always, seemingly, been a split between science and life, between the apparent poverty of scientific formulation and the manifest richness of phenomenal experience. This is the chasm which Goethe refers to in Faust, when he speaks of the grayness of theory as contrasted with the green and golden colors of life:   Grau, teurer Freund, ist alle Theorie, / Und grün des Lebens goldner Baum.

This chasm—which is smallest in physics, where we have spectacularly powerful theories of countless physical processes—is overwhelming in biology, in the study, above all, of mental processes and inner life, for these are, unlike physical existence, distinguished by extreme complexity, unpredictability, and novelty; by inner principles of autonomy, identity, and “will” (Spinoza and Leibniz speak here of conatus); and by a continuous becoming, evolution, and development.

The magnitude of this discrepancy, as well as our almost irresistible desire to see ourselves as being  somehow above nature, above the body, [is a bias that…] has generated doctrines of dualism from Plato on—doctrines clearest of all, perhaps, in Descartes, in his separation of two “essences” (res extensa and res cogitans) and in his conception of a quasi-mystical meeting point, an “organ of liaison,” between the two (for him, the pineal).”   from Oliver Sacks (1990), “Neurology and the Soul” in NY Rev Books, 22 Nov 1990: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1990/11/22/neurology-and-the-soul/ may be necessary to vopy/paste URL into browser)

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In the Prajnaparamita-sutra, Nagarjuna developed his premise of relativity: that all things exist only by virtue of their opposites, and that all things are only relative and thus without essence, in other words, empty.” (Audrey Yoshiko Seo   “Enso: Zen Circles of Enlightenment”  2007:5)  from A&O notes on “ENANTIODROMIA”

see more at A&O notes on perception-integrative-and-reductionist-perspectives/

 

 

The WEIRD BIAS in Science—especially psychology:  

·    Why do we study “The weirdest people in the world?”  Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan (2010) appeal for researchers to be “less cavalier in addressing questions of human nature on the basis of data drawn from [a] particularly thin, and rather unusual, slice of humanity” they characterized as “Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD)…” Herich et al (2010)[ii]

But NOW, look at this: (shared by Phil Regal on 1 March 2020: https://getpocket.com/explore/item/how-knowledge-about-different-cultures-is-shaking-the-foundations-of-psychology

  • When I’m Sixty-Four (Psychological Science 2011)
  • Unrepeatable experiments (reported in Science)  Brian Nosek & team
  • The Unscientific Method (Sonia van Gilder Cooke in NS 16 April 2016 39-41) 

 

COMMUNITY & POLITICS … victorious home teams give incumbent politicians a bump …  Neil Malhotra (Jul 6 b200 ProcNAS)

 CULTURE is known to affect visual perception. For example, Asian people tend to dart their eyes around a photo, while those in North America fix on specific details (NS 2005)[iii]

 Much of this is covered in The Origin and Evolution of Cultures (Robert Boyd and Peter J.Richerson (2005) comments  from the review by Edouard Machery, University of Pittsburgh):

“For the most part, culture consists in the beliefs, values, norms, desires, techniques, and so on, that people acquire by social learning. Cultural transmission is not always faithful: Cultural items may be modified, for instance because of transmission inaccuracies or individual innovation. Moreover, not all cultural variants are equal: Boyd and Richerson emphasize various biases that favor the transmission of some cultural variants over others, particularly conformism, compliance to social norms, and imitation of prestigious individuals. Culture is thus a system of inheritance with modification, in which various forces (conformism, etc.) determine which cultural items are preferentially transmitted in a population. In other words, culture evolves.”

“… According to them, culture is an adaptation, like other forms of social learning in non-human animal species: It enables humans to acquire adaptive behavior in variable environments. But while the scope of social learning is rather restricted in other species, culture pervades human behavior as well as the human mind (Nisbett et al. 2001). Culture differs also from non-human social learning in that it is cumulative: Only humans acquire socially some beliefs, values, and so on, that they could not acquire by themselves.”

“… culture created some social environments, in which specific adaptations were selected for by natural selection. This notion of gene-culture co-evolution may be the most important aspect of their work.”

“… our two authors are to some extent out of touch with the most successful works in recent cognitive and developmental psychology (Carey, Spelke, Haidt, to cite a few psychologists). Moreover, their models lean heavily on the study of social learning made in the seventies. The psychological study of social learning should be certainly pushed forward. To be fair, social psychologists themselves have often neglected social learning in the eighties and nineties. Noticeably, some psychologists and experimentally-minded anthropologists, including Richerson and colleagues, have recently brought the experimental method to bear on the study of cultural transmission (Kameda & Nakanishi 2002; Baum et al. 2004).  Critiques and References[iv]


RELIGION

In an experiment in the Netherlands,  Neocalvinists were faster in identifying subcomponents of a picture than Calvinists.  The researcher suggests the neocalvanist doctrine of separating church, state, and education might be a factor (NS 2005)[9]

 


COHERENCE.  BIAS toward finding order (recalls pareidolia or apophenia):   The human understanding is of its own nature prone to suppose the existence of more order and regularity in the world than it finds.  And though there be many things in nature which are singular and unmatched, yet it devises for them parallels and conjugates and relatives which do not exist (Francis Bacon, Novum Organum I, xlv; this is one of the “idols of the tribe,” which have their origin in human nature) (Compare Karl Popper: “Our propensity to look out for regularities, and to impose laws upon nature, leads to the psychological phenomenon of dogmatic thinking or, more generally, dogmatic behavior: we expect regularities everywhere and attempt to find them even where there are none; . . .” (Conjectures and Refutations, 1963:49).


Icy stares and dirty minds: Hitch-hiking emotions  (15 September 2009 by Jim Giles Magazine issue 2725.) 

WILL these hands ne’er be clean?” asks Lady Macbeth, as she obsessively tries to wash away the guilt she feels for her role in the murder of King Duncan. Her feelings of self-disgust, we are led to believe, have manifested themselves as a sensation of physical dirtiness.

  • It is not only in the language of playwrights such as Shakespeare that complex emotions like guilt, grief or loneliness are compared to physical sensations. These metaphors crop up in everyday phrases, too, in many languages. In English, for example, we talk of being “left out in the cold” when we feel socially excluded, a sentiment echoed in the Japanese saying “one kind word can warm three winter months”.
  • At face value, these connections seem purely symbolic. In real life, loneliness doesn’t really send us shivering, and guilt doesn’t really make us feel dirty. Or do they? Recent research has found that these physical sensations can often accompany our emotions. It works the other way too – by provoking a feeling of disgust, a scene from the film Trainspotting shaped the way subjects in an experiment made moral judgements.
  • Many now believe that this reflects the way complex emotions arose in our evolutionary past. As our brain evolved to process more and more complex emotions, the theory goes, there was no need for new neural machinery: our emotions simply piggybacked onto the circuits that handle basic sensory perceptions. Here are some of the most striking experiments linking physical sensations with emotions and behaviour.

Cold shoulders and warm receptions

  • DURING the autumn of 2006, a series of volunteers arrived at Yale University’s psychology building. Each was greeted in the lobby by a researcher, who accompanied them up to the fourth floor. In the elevator, the researcher casually asked the volunteer to hold the drink she was carrying while she noted down their name. The subjects did not know it, but the experiment began the moment they took the cup.
  • Once in the lab, the 40 or so volunteers read a description of a fictitious person and then answered questions about the character. Those who had held an iced coffee, rather than a hot one, rated the imaginary figure as less warm and friendly, even though each volunteer had read the same description. Answers to other questions about the figure, such as whether the character appeared honest, were unaffected by the type of drink (Science, vol 322, p 606).
  • The experiment, run by Lawrence Williams of the University of Colorado at Boulder and John Bargh of Yale, is not the only study to link physical and psychological warmth. Just thinking about being socially excluded, for example, can make the room feel around 3 °C cooler (Psychological Science, vol 19, p 838). This may explain some aspects of how we socialise. For example, it is more common to offer a hot drink rather than a cold one when we welcome someone into our home. “Certain behaviours people engage in during interpersonal relationships reflect an understanding of the link between physical and psychological warmth,” says Williams.
  • The insular cortex, which lies deep within one of the folds that line the surface of the brain, is probably at the root of these results. Brain imaging shows that this area is active when people are experiencing both physical and psychological warmth. The connection is probably present at birth and strengthened during early life, when babies learn to associate the physical warmth of their parents with nourishment and protection, says Williams.

Cleanliness and godliness

  • “TRULY Allah loveth those who turn unto Him, and loveth those who have a care for cleanness,” says the Koran. Islam is not alone in linking hygiene to moral purity. Christians cleanse the body and soul through baptism, and cleanliness is likewise important to Hindus.
    • This connection, which is entrenched in the orbitofrontal cortex of the brain, can have a profound and unexpected influence on our behaviour. In one recent study, Simone Schnall at the University of Plymouth, UK, and colleagues showed half their volunteers a neutral film and the other half the toilet scene from the film Trainspotting. (The uninitiated need only use their imagination here: the clip features what is described as the “worst toilet in Scotland”.) Those who viewed the Trainspotting clip subsequently made more severe judgements about unethical acts such as cannibalism than volunteers who had viewed the neutral scene. Exposing subjects to a fart smell and placing them in a filthy room had a similar effect (Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, vol 34, p 1096).
    • And as Lady Macbeth’s obsessive hand-washing suggests, a feeling of guilt can leave us reaching for a bar of soap. Chen-Bo Zhong of the University of Toronto in Canada and Katie Liljenquist, now at Brigham Young University in Provo, Utah, asked volunteers to read a first-person account of either an ethical act or an act of sabotage. They then had to rate the desirability of various household objects, including soap, toothpaste, CD cases and chocolate bars. Those who had read the sabotage story showed a greater preference for the cleaning products (Science, vol 313, p 1451) than those who had not.
    • A simplistic conclusion from these experiments would be that a cleaner environment makes us more tolerant of the misdemeanours of others. Yet the act of physical cleansing does not necessarily encourage us to act more morally ourselves, as religious ceremonies might have us believe. In another part of their study, Zhong’s team asked volunteers to recall an unethical deed from their past. Under the guise of a health and safety precaution, he then gave half the subjects antiseptic wipes to clean their hands. The participants were then asked if they would take part in another experiment, this time to help out a desperate graduate student. Only 40 per cent of the subjects who had cleaned their hands volunteered, compared with almost three-quarters of those who hadn’t.
    • Other experiments have shown that feelings of moral disgust can spur people to help others. By allowing people to wash away these feelings, say Zhong and Liljenquist, we may be giving licence to ungenerous behaviour.

The sting of rejection

  • CAST your mind back to your schooldays. Do you remember how it hurt when you were left out of a game? Or how you felt when you weren’t invited to a party? The pain of exclusion may seem tangible, but can it ever resemble the sensation of a physical wound?
  • To probe the neural link between physical and emotional pain, Naomi Eisenberger at the University of California, Los Angeles, and colleagues asked volunteers to play a virtual ball game. Each volunteer believed that their teammates were in other labs, but in fact these “people” were generated by the software, which was also programmed to gradually exclude the human player. All the while an fMRI scanner recorded the subject’s neural activity.
  • The scans revealed that the feelings of social exclusion increased activity in the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC), an area of the brain also involved in the feelings of distress that accompany physical pain. The dACC also lit up when people thought about the death of a loved one (Science, vol 323, p 890).
  • This might explain why some people in deep emotional pain turn to drugs like alcohol or heroin, which numb physical pain. Yet according to an unpublished study by Nathan DeWall at the University of Kentucky in Lexington, less potent drugs could also do the trick, without side effects.
  • DeWall asked around 60 college students to take either paracetamol (acetaminophen) or a placebo in the morning and evening for three weeks. The students also answered daily questions about their emotional state. DeWall found that those who took the painkiller reported fewer hurt feelings.
  • In another experiment, DeWall gave paracetamol or a placebo to volunteers playing the virtual ball game. The result was as expected: the painkiller reduced activity in the dACC that was associated with the emotionally painful feelings of exclusion. He now wants to test the drug on people with clinical symptoms of depression or anxiety. “Anxious people are constantly concerned about negative evaluation,” he says. “Perhaps Tylenol [paracetamol] can help them.” It remains a long shot, and not something to be recommended right now, but if the results pan out it will be an interesting avenue to explore for the future.

Jim Giles is a writer based in San Francisco

 

PHYSICAL FEELINGS accompany EMOTION and the connection seems more than merely metaphorical.

  • hot or cold drink before being asked questions about the nature of a person: shows influence.
  • tendency offer people warm beverege as hospitality reflect connection between pysychologoical and physical warmth? Lawdrence Williams (U Col) & John Bargh (Yale) Psyhol Sci 19:838)
  • INSULAR CTX: brain images show activity when people are experiencing psychological or physical warmth.

 

 


NUMBERS:  BIAS:

  HYPERLINK ” http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg20927994.200-without-language-numbers-make-no-sense.html  ”  Without language, numbers make no sense  (News > This Week p13)  The discovery that people need language to understand larger numbers may shed light on the way children acquire their number sense

Hope and hype in the world of statistics  15 February 2011

Magazine issue  ” http://www.newscientist.com/issue/2799  ”  2799 . ” http://www.newscientist.com/subscribe?promcode=nsarttop

For similar stories, visit  “http://www.newscientist.com/topic/editorials”  Editorials  Topic Guide

More could be done to give the public a realistic picture of research findings

STATISTICS, the American academic Aaron Levenstein once wrote, are rather like bikinis: what they reveal is suggestive, but what they conceal is vital.

Few people are more charmed by the seductive power of statistics than journalists and politicians. As for everyone else, it might be better to cover your eyes. As our feature on the ills of medical statistics makes clear   HYPERLINK “http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg20927991.700-spin-doctors-the-truth-behind-health-scare-headlines.html”  (“Spin doctors: The truth behind health scare headlines”) , see any percentage in a headline and you should start asking questions.

The massaging of complex data into a neat headline figure can distort it to the point where it becomes meaningless. Confusing absolute and relative risk, mixing up correlation and causation, mangling mortality and survival rates: these are the sorts of solecisms that plague statistics in the sensitive area of human health and well-being.

It is tempting to lay the blame solely at the feet of ignorant politicians or an irresponsible media. They do indeed play a significant role, often perpetuating mistakes, muddles and misunderstandings.

But journalists and policymakers can only work with what they are given. Scientists need to bear in mind how their statistics can be abused – or perhaps unintentionally read the wrong way.

Take the Fox News report in August 2008 that throat cancer among white men in the US had risen 400 per cent over 30 years. Solid science or sensationalist scaremongering? Both, actually.

The 400 per cent figure – 463 per cent, in fact – can be traced to   HYPERLINK “http://jnci.oxfordjournals.org/content/100/16/1184.abstract” \t “nsarticle”  an academic paper reporting an increase in the incidence of adenocarcinoma of the oesophagus from 1.01 to 5.69 per 100,000 person-years .

On those numbers, to say that you would be better off worrying about being run over by a bus is an exaggeration – although not by much. But the huge, scary percentage is not Fox’s invention. It is there in the study’s abstract, along with the smaller and less frightening absolute figures: mathematically unimpeachable, practically worthless and ripe for misinterpretation.

That is a minor transgression compared with evidence of a deeper-seated problem in medical literature.   HYPERLINK ” http://www.effectivehealthcare.ahrq.gov/repFiles/MedCare/s23.pdf ” \t “nsarticle”  A review in 2007 of 119 systematic therapeutic studies in three high-profile medical journals  revealed that only half reported both the benefits and harms of the therapy, and of those only two-thirds presented them using comparable figures.

No doubt much of this is innocent. But in medical research, where cynicism about the role of vested interests is widespread, such omissions or maladroit presentation can discredit worthy work – and worse still, misinform policymakers and the public.

This is a system with few checks and balances. The interests of researchers in search of funding, scientific journals in search of wider media exposure, and journalists in search of compelling stories often coincide to create a military-industrial complex for the production and propagation of dodgy statistics.

The bias in favour of misrepresentation is something against which all involved, New Scientist included, must be vigilant. But the vigilance must start at the source, cutting off questionable figures before they receive a bad press.

Read more in our web special: ”  HYPERLINK “http://www.newscientist.com/special/spin-doctors”  Spin doctors: The truth behind health scare headlines “

Artificial Intelligence.  Even AI can be biased[v]

 


[3] Propaganda is a form of biased communication, aimed at promoting or demoting certain views, perceptions or agendas. Propaganda is often associated with the psychological mechanisms of influencing and altering the attitude of a population toward a specific cause, position or political agenda in an effort to form a consensus to a standard set of belief patterns.” –Wikipedia on Propaganda  

Propaganda is information that is not impartial and is used primarily to influence an audience and further an agenda, often by presenting facts selectively (perhaps lying by omission) to encourage a particular synthesis, or using loaded messages to produce an emotional rather than a rational response to the information presented.[1]    //  Today the term propaganda is associated with a manipulative and jingoistic approach, but propaganda historically was a neutral descriptive term.[1][2]

[4] Taylor John G.  2003.  Paying attention to consciousness.  Progr Neurobiol 71(2003):305-335.

[5] “…using a nasal spray to administer OT to the central nervous system in humans enhances the perception of emotions, increases accuracy for socially relevant information and the ability to infer the mental and emotional states of others from subtle facial cues, to increase eye gaze to neutral and emotional human faces (Andrews et al., 2002; Domes, Heinrichs, Michel, et al., 2007; Domes et al., 2013; Leknes et al., 2013). OT also enhances allocation of early attention towards the face searching for positive social emotions (Marsh, Yu, Pine, & Blair, 2010), and elicit longer gaze to the eye region of human faces, relative to placebo (Guastella, Carson, Dadds, Mitchell, & Cox, 2009; Guastella et al., 2008). Marsh et al. (2010) suggest that OT’s facilitation of interpersonal trust and prosocial interactions could reflect the fact that it enhances sensitivity to signs of trustworthiness, such as increased ability to interpret subtle signs of positive facial expressions.” –from review in MS thesis by Jarle Alexander Winge at Oslo University, 2014

[6] The ability to shift between different behavioral strategies is necessary for appropriate decision-making. Here, we show that chronic stress biases decision-making strategies, affecting the ability of stressed animals to perform actions on the basis of their consequences. Using two different operant tasks, we revealed that, in making choices, rats subjected to chronic stress became insensitive to changes in outcome value and resistant to changes in action-outcome contingency. Furthermore, chronic stress caused opposing structural changes in the associative and sensorimotor corticostriatal circuits underlying these different behavioral strategies, with atrophy of medial prefrontal cortex and the associative striatum and hypertrophy of the sensorimotor striatum. These data suggest that the relative advantage of circuits coursing through sensorimotor striatum observed after chronic stress leads to a bias in behavioral strategies toward habit.  (Eduardo Dias-Ferreira,  João C. Sousa, Irene Melo, Pedro Morgado, Ana R. Mesquita, João J. Cerqueira, Rui M. Costa, Nuno Sousa1. 2009.  Chronic Stress Causes Frontostriatal Reorganization and Affects Decision-Making.  Science 31 July 2009: Vol. 325(5940): 621 – 625.

[7] Westerners and Easterners see the world differently NS 22:00 22 August 2005 by Zeeya Merali

Chinese and American people see the world differently – literally. While Americans focus on the central objects of photographs, Chinese individuals pay more attention to the image as a whole, according to psychologists at the University of Michigan, in Ann Arbor, US. // “There is plenty of anecdotal evidence suggesting that Western and East Asian people have contrasting world-views,” explains Richard Nisbett, who carried out the study. “Americans break things down analytically, focusing on putting objects into categories and working out what rules they should obey,” he says.

By contrast, East Asians have a more holistic philosophy, looking at objects in relation to the whole. “Figuratively, Americans see things in black and white, while East Asians see more shades of grey,” says Nisbett. “We wanted to devise an experiment to see if that translated to a literal difference in what they actually see.”

The researchers tracked the eye-movements of two groups of students while they looked at photographs. One group contained American-born graduates of European descent and the other was comprised of Chinese-born graduate students who came to the US after their undergraduate degrees.  // Each picture showed a striking central image placed in a realistic background, such as a tiger in a jungle. They found that the American students spent longer looking at the central object, while the Chinese students’ eyes tended to dart around, taking in the context.

Harmony versus goals.  Nisbett and his colleagues believe that this distinctive pattern has developed because of the philosophies of these two cultures. “Harmony is a central idea in East Asian philosophy, and so there is more emphasis on how things relate to the whole,” says Nisbett. “In the West, by contrast, life is about achieving goals.” 

Psychologists watching American and Japanese families playing with toys have also noted this difference. “An American mother will say: ‘Look Billy, a truck. It’s shiny and has wheels.’ The focus is on the object,” explains Nisbett. By contrast, Japanese mothers stress context saying things like, “I push the truck to you and you push it to me. When you throw it at the wall, the wall says ‘ouch’.”  //  Nisbett also cites language development in the cultures. “To Westerners it seems obvious that babies learn nouns more easily. But while this is the case in the West, studies show that Korean and Chinese children pick up verbs – which relate objects to each other – more easily.  //  “Nisbett’s work is interesting and suggestive,” says John Findlay, a psychologist specialising in human visual attention at Durham University, UK. “It’s always difficult to put an objective measure on cultural differences, but this group have made a step towards that.”   //  Nisbett hopes that his work will change the way the cultures view each other. “Understanding that there is a real difference in the way people think should form the basis of respect.”  //  Journal reference: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (vol 102, p 12629)

[8] Sharon Begley.  What’s in a Word?  Language may shape our thoughts.   Newsweek dated Jul 20, 2009 p.21.

“When the Viaduct de Millau opened in the south of France in 2004, this tallest bridge in the world won worldwide accolades. German newspapers described how it “floated above the clouds” with “elegance and lightness” and “breathtaking” beauty. In France, papers praised the “immense” “concrete giant.” Was it mere coincidence that the Germans saw beauty where the French saw heft and power? Lera Boroditsky thinks not.

A psychologist at Stanford University, she has long been intrigued by an age-old question whose modern form dates to 1956, when linguist Benjamin Lee Whorf asked whether the language we speak shapes the way we think and see the world. If so, then language is not merely a means of expressing thought, but a constraint on it, too. Although philosophers, anthropologists, and others have weighed in, with most concluding that language does not shape thought in any significant way, the field has been notable for a distressing lack of empiricism—as in testable hypotheses and actual data.

That’s where Boroditsky comes in. In a series of clever experiments guided by pointed questions, she is amassing evidence that, yes, language shapes thought. The effect is powerful enough, she says, that “the private mental lives of speakers of different languages may differ dramatically,” not only when they are thinking in order to speak, “but in all manner of cognitive tasks,” including basic sensory perception. “Even a small fluke of grammar”—the gender of nouns—”can have an effect on how people think about things in the world,” she says.

As in that bridge. In German, the noun for bridge, Brücke, is feminine. In French, pont is masculine. German speakers saw prototypically female features; French speakers, masculine ones. Similarly, Germans describe keys (Schlüssel) with words such as hard, heavy, jagged, and metal, while to Spaniards keys (llaves) are golden, intricate, little, and lovely. Guess which language construes key as masculine and which as feminine? Grammatical gender also shapes how we construe abstractions. In 85 percent of artistic depictions of death and victory, for instance, the idea is represented by a man if the noun is masculine and a woman if it is feminine, says Boroditsky. Germans tend to paint death as male, and Russians tend to paint it as female.

Language even shapes what we see. People have a better memory for colors if different shades have distinct names—not English’s light blue and dark blue, for instance, but Russian’s goluboy and sinly. Skeptics of the language-shapes-thought claim have argued that that’s a trivial finding, showing only that people remember what they saw in both a visual form and a verbal one, but not proving that they actually see the hues differently. In an ingenious experiment, however, Boroditsky and colleagues showed volunteers three color swatches and asked them which of the bottom two was the same as the top one. Native Russian speakers were faster than English speakers when the colors had distinct names, suggesting that having a name for something allows you to perceive it more sharply. Similarly, Korean uses one word for “in” when one object is in another snugly (a letter in an envelope), and a different one when an object is in something loosely (an apple in a bowl). Sure enough, Korean adults are better than English speakers at distinguishing tight fit from loose fit.

In Australia, the Aboriginal Kuuk Thaayorre use compass directions for every spatial cue rather than right or left, leading to locutions such as “there is an ant on your southeast leg.” The Kuuk Thaayorre are also much more skillful than English speakers at dead reckoning, even in unfamiliar surroundings or strange buildings. Their language “equips them to perform navigational feats once thought beyond human capabilities,” Boroditsky wrote on Edge.org.

Science has only scratched the surface of how language affects thought. In Russian, verb forms indicate whether the action was completed or not—as in “she ate [and finished] the pizza.” In Turkish, verbs indicate whether the action was observed or merely rumored. Boroditsky would love to run an experiment testing whether native Russian speakers are better than others at noticing if an action is completed, and if Turks have a heightened sensitivity to fact versus hearsay. Similarly, while English says “she broke the bowl” even if it smashed accidentally (she dropped something on it, say), Spanish and Japanese describe the same event more like “the bowl broke itself.” “When we show people video of the same event,” says Boroditsky, “English speakers remember who was to blame even in an accident, but Spanish and Japanese speakers remember it less well than they do intentional actions. It raises questions about whether language affects even something as basic as how we construct our ideas of causality.”  Begley is NEWSWEEK’s science editor.  © 2009  http://www.newsweek.com/id/205985

[9] How religious people see the world differently // Bernhard Hommel at Leiden University in the Netherlands and colleagues … found that Dutch people following a certain brand of Protestantism are quicker than their atheist compatriots to home in on an image’s details.” Hommel’s team showed 20 atheists and 20 neocalvinists, who follow a version of Calvinism, a series of large triangles or squares filled with smaller triangles or squares. / Both groups were quick to identify the image by its overall shape, but the neocalvinists were on average faster when asked to identify it by its component shapes (PLoS ONE, DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0003679). Hommel says neocalvinists may be less distracted by the large shape because their brains are used to separating out the influences of education, government and church, an idea central to neocalvinism.”  NS  19 November 2008 Magazine issue 2683. P.18

[10] Chronic Stress Causes Frontostriatal Reorganization and Affects Decision-Making.  Eduardo Dias-Ferreira, João C. Sousa, Irene Melo, Pedro Morgado, Ana R. Mesquita, João J. Cerqueira, Rui M. Costa, Nuno Sousa.  Science 31 July 2009: Vol. 325. no. 5940, pp. 621 – 625 DOI: 10.1126/science.1171203.

“In everyday life, we constantly have to select the appropriate actions to obtain specific outcomes. These actions can be selected on the basis of their consequences (1, 2), e.g., when we press the elevator button to get to the particular floor of our new apartment. This goal-directed behavior is crucial to face the ever-changing environment, but demands an effortful control and monitoring of the response. One way to balance the need for flexibility and efficiency is through automatization of recurring decision processes as a rule or a habit (3). Habitual responses no longer need the evaluation of their consequences and can be elicited by particular situations or stimuli (1, 2), e.g., after living for some time in that apartment, we automatically press the button of our home floor when we enter the elevator. The ability to shift between these two types of strategies is necessary for appropriate decision-making (2), and in some situations,it may be crucial to be able to inhibit a habit and use a goal-directedstrategy, e.g., if we are visiting a new building, we shouldnot press the button for our home floor.

Chronic stress, mainly through the release of corticosteroids, affects executive behavior through sequential structural modulation of brain networks (4, 5). Stress-induced deficits in spatial reference and working memory (6) and behavioral flexibility (7) are associated with synaptic and/or dendritic reorganization in both the hippocampus (8) and the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) (9). However, the effects of chronic stress on action-selection strategies have not been investigated. Here, we examined whether previous exposure to chronic stress would affect the ability of animals to select the appropriate actions, based on the consequences of their choice. Because associative corticostriatal circuits involving the prelimbic (PL) cortex (10) and the dorsomedial striatum (DMS) (11) have been implicated in the acquisition and execution of goal-directed actions, whereas sensorimotor circuits, namely, the dorsolateral striatum (DLS) (12), arenecessary for habit formation, we examined the effects of chronicstress on these brain areas.

In an attempt to mimic the variability of stressors encountered in daily life, adult rats assigned to the stress group were exposed to a well-established stress paradigm (13) that combines different stressors in an unpredictable manner to avoid the resilient effect of behavioral control over stressors (14).Twenty-one days of stress exposure decreased body-weight gain(fig. S1A), reduced the thymus/body-weight ratio (fig. S1B),and resulted in persistently raised serum corticosterone levels(fig. S1C), when compared with attributes of handled controls.After stress exposure, we tested whether chronic stress affectedthe ability of animals to perform actions, based on the consequencesof their behavior, using two different instrumental tasks.”

 

[11]

 


 


[i] http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/error-detection-in-the-gray-matter-have-scientists-discovered-intuition-a-507176.html  By Gerald Traufetter   September 21, 2007 

Stress is normal for the 5,500 scientists and engineers at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory. They know that whenever they make a decision, even the slightest error could have serious consequences.

Memories of 1999, after all, are still fresh. Eight years ago, when the Mars Polar Lander space probe entered the atmosphere of the red planet, radio contact was suddenly lost. The satellite simply disappeared from the screens at the control center. Four hundred million dollars had vanished into silence.

REUTERS

The brain knows more than we sometimes give it credit for. Those subtle feelings of foreboding may be your gray matter telling you that you’ve made a mistake.

The two managers in charge of the project were convinced that they would be fired without further ado. “That’s how we deal with errors in our culture,” says Markus Ullsperger. But this time, the managers were spared, Ullsperger, a brain researcher at the Cologne-based Max Planck Institute for Neurological Research, recounts. “And it was a good decision,” he says. “After all, millions had been invested in their training and education.”

From the standpoint of neuropsychology, this was an excellent management decision. Errors, Ullsperger is convinced, are in fact one of the most valuable sources of knowledge. “A man’s errors are his portals of discovery,” Irish writer James Joyce once said, anticipating a conclusion modern neuroscience has now confirmed.

Ability to Detect its Own Errors

Ullsperger, like a dozen other research teams around the world, is currently studying how the brain tracks down and processes its own errors. “Our brain has the fascinating ability to detect errors and, if they have already occurred, to learn from the experience,” he explains.

 


This isn’t as easy as seems. The letters to the right and left of the main letters confuse the observer. Especially when they are given only a limited amount of time to perform the task, the subjects frequently correct their answers a few moments later. “They behave the way we do when we misspeak, notice the error and then quickly correct our sentence,” says Ullsperger.

Electrodes in a rubber cap on the subject’s head measure the typical ERN waves flickering through the brain during this process. Meanwhile, the NMR scanner observes the area of the brain in which nerve cells are especially active.

 

Stops Producing Dopamine

The method makes it possible to replicate the anatomy of error detection. What it reveals is that immediately following the ERN wave, the midbrain suddenly stops producing dopamine. This neurochemical signal is transferred to the basal ganglia and thus into the limbic system, in which emotions are generated.

Researchers have also discovered another nerve cord involved in error detection. It leads to a deep section of the cortex, which then broadly distributes the signal in the cerebral cortex. “This cascade sends the following signals to the executive positions: Stop, something is going wrong here! Check again and, if necessary, correct immediately,” explains Ullsperger.

 

“Error-related negativity” (ERN) is a concept that has captivated the scientific world. It refers to a characteristic wave of voltage beneath the skullcap, which can be measured whenever the brain detects that an error has been made. Especially surprising is the fact the ERN signal already begins to flicker even before a person is aware of his error.

In the early 1990s, Michael Falkenstein, a neurophysiologist from the western German city of Dortmund, observed for the first time how voltage declines by at least 10 microvolts in a specific group of nerve cells, and that this occurs only 100 milliseconds after a person has made an error — about the time it takes for your cursor to respond to a click of the mouse.

Falkenstein’s discovery marked the beginning of a period of systematic study of the brain’s fine-tuned error detector. It paved the way for fascinating new theories on questions such as why compulsive disorders occur or why some people hesitate while others make confident decisions. It also shines a new light on the development of addiction.

Suddenly it becomes clear why a person can often avoid making a certain mistake based purely on gut feeling. “The experiences of the error system provide precisely that subconscious knowledge on which intuition is based,” explains Ullsperger.

 

Vaguely Uneasy Feeling

The error system acts in two ways. First, it intervenes in a corrective way when a person has committed an error. But it also has a warning capability. When it recognizes that an action may not lead to the desired outcome, this recognition is expressed in a vaguely uneasy feeling.

Ullsperger and his fellow researchers plan to find out exactly how this works, using a functional nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) scanner. Research subjects lying in the NMR tube undergo simple tests, such as the Eriksen-Flanker task, a common and well-known tool of neuroscientists. In the test, rows of letters, like SSHSS, SSSSS or HHSHH flicker in front of the subjects’ eyes. They are then asked to press one of two buttons: the left button if the letter in the middle is S and the right button if it is H.

This isn’t as easy as seems. The letters to the right and left of the main letters confuse the observer. Especially when they are given only a limited amount of time to perform the task, the subjects frequently correct their answers a few moments later. “They behave the way we do when we misspeak, notice the error and then quickly correct our sentence,” says Ullsperger.

Electrodes in a rubber cap on the subject’s head measure the typical ERN waves flickering through the brain during this process. Meanwhile, the NMR scanner observes the area of the brain in which nerve cells are especially active.

Stops Producing Dopamine

The method makes it possible to replicate the anatomy of error detection. What it reveals is that immediately following the ERN wave, the midbrain suddenly stops producing dopamine. This neurochemical signal is transferred to the basal ganglia and thus into the limbic system, in which emotions are generated.

Researchers have also discovered another nerve cord involved in error detection. It leads to a deep section of the cortex, which then broadly distributes the signal in the cerebral cortex. “This cascade sends the following signals to the executive positions: Stop, something is going wrong here! Check again and, if necessary, correct immediately,” explains Ullsperger.

The Cologne-based neurologist can also demonstrate that subjects who have made a mistake in the Flanker test take more time for their ensuing responses. “People change their decision-making strategy,” he says. “They begin to learn from their errors.”

But what does the drop in dopamine production cause? What triggers the entire chain of signals? Ullsperger’s explanation is that whenever the brain decides to take a specific action, it simultaneously develops an idea of the expected consequences. If the desired result occurs, the brain rewards itself with the feel-good hormone dopamine. But if something unexpected happens, the reward is withheld — a form of self-inflicted punishment.

Human perception is highly specialized to notice contradictions between expected and actual occurrences. An ensemble of at least 1,000 nerve cells appears to be responsible for this ability to compare desire and reality.

Disaster Research

“It’s truly astonishing, but the brain performs these difficult calculations online, that is, constantly, while dealing with many other things at the same time,” says Richard Ridderinkhof, a neuroscientist at the University of Amsterdam. He compares this process with the actions of a driver whose vehicle is gradually veering off course. “Without giving it much thought, the autopilot in the driver’s head corrects the vehicle’s direction of travel.”

Ridderinkhof is convinced that these discoveries could also provide valuable information in the field of disaster research. Airplane crashes, for example, are usually attributable to human error. The meltdown at the nuclear power plant in Chernobyl revealed, in a horrific way, how susceptible the human cognitive network is. The crash of the Space Shuttle Columbia, perhaps the most thoroughly studied accident in the age of high-tech, was the result of an even greater failure — that of an entire institution.

So far scientists have inventoried, categorized and analyzed errors. They have found that anyone who places too much confidence in technology is at risk of failure. Another cause of error, scientists conclude, is a combination of poor preparation and stress. Unresolved organizational issues, such as the ones that doomed Robert Falcon Scott’s legendary expedition to the South Pole, can also spell the downfall of a mission.

In many cases there is a fine line between a disaster and the discovery of an error. The biggest accident in the history of civil aviation is a case in point. In March 1977, two jumbo jets collided on the runway at the airport in Tenerife, one of the Canary Islands. The cockpit voice recorder precisely documents the seconds leading up to the crash.

Sense of Foreboding

A Boeing 747 operated by Dutch airline KLM was standing on the tarmac, ready for takeoff, while a Pan Am jumbo jet blocked the runway. Dense fog made visual contact impossible.

The tower had assigned a specific runway path to the KLM jet, but the impatient captain misinterpreted the Air Traffic Control instructions to mean that he was cleared for takeoff. As accident investigators listening to the voice recorder later learned, Willem Schreuder, the flight engineer on the Dutch jumbo, asked the captain: “Is he not clear (of the runway) then, that Pan American?” A sense of foreboding had apparently flickered through his consciousness. But the captain brushed aside the engineer’s timidly expressed suspicion and began the takeoff. When he saw the other Boeing appear in the fog, it was too late to correct his fatal error, and 583 people paid the price.

The engineer’s inner voice could have saved their lives. He probably wasn’t completely aware of the error they were about to make. In any event, he was unable to articulate his hunch clearly enough. “We should, in fact, often give more credence to intuition,” says psychologist Ridderinkhof.

An experiment revealed to Ridderinkhof why this is so. In the experiment, a bright light would periodically appear on a monitor, sometimes on the left side of the screen and sometimes on the right. Ridderinkhof asked his subjects to always direct their gaze to the side where the light did not appear. During the experiment he measured their subjects’ pupil movements to determine whether they were following the instructions.

 

Denied Making Mistakes

Ridderinkhof knew that the curiosity of the human brain is far too great to simply ignore a signal like the light in the experiment. In fact, the subjects kept making mistakes, but then they corrected them and improved their performance over the course of the experiment. As expected, the typical ERN wave traveled through the cerebral cortex.

But when they were questioned afterwards, the subjects denied having made any mistakes. In other words, their consciousness had not been informed that the brain had recognized and then corrected the errors. For Ridderinkhof, this suggests that a large part of error processing occurs in the subconscious. Like Ullsperger, he too suspects that he has tracked down the neuronal correlate of intuition — that inner voice that protects people from errors.

In their experiments, researchers routinely notice that this correction system is set to varying levels of sensitivity in different subjects. Could it be that hesitant people are simply afraid of errors, while the confident have a relatively dull error warning system in their gray matter?

The pathological extremes at both ends of human decision-making behavior offer possible answers to this question. Max Planck researcher Ullsperger also performed his error experiments with people who wash themselves obsessively or have other forms of obsessive-compulsive disorder. His conclusion is that “their monitoring system is so powerful that they can hardly focus on anything else but to constantly monitor themselves.”

 

Cocaine Helps Decision Making?

A similar picture emerges at the other end of the decisiveness scale. Ingmar Franken, neuropsychologist at Erasmus University in Rotterdam, had cocaine addicts who had been clean for at least one month take the Eriksen-Flanker test. “It wasn’t just that they often made the wrong decision,” says Franken, “they also didn’t notice their errors and, more important, they didn’t change their strategy.”

Franken believes that this could explain why cocaine addicts are so blind to the negative consequences of their own addiction. “Besides, the attraction of cocaine could in fact be that it improves decision-making ability,” he says.

Franken’s Amsterdam colleague Ridderinkhof obtained similar results in experiments with alcoholics. “Once the alcohol has clouded the brain, the error wave is absent,” he says.

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan

 

____________________________

[i] Unsourced: https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Talk:William_James  seen on philosiblog on 10 May 2012.  http://philosiblog.com/2012/05/10/a-great-many-people-think-they-are-thinking-when-they-are-merely-rearranging-their-prejudices/  

[ii]   Esoragato:  “Why does such painting give us oftentimes more satisfaction than the scene itself which it recalls?  It is largely because of esoragoto or the admixture of invention (the artistic unreality) with the unartistic reality; the poetic handling or treatment of what in the original may in some respects be commonplace.”  

Japanese artists are not bound down to the literal presentation of things seen.  They have a canon, called esoragoto, which means literally an invented picture, or a picture into which certain invention fictions are painted.” // Every painting to be effective must be esoragoto; that is, there must enter therein certain artistic liberties.  It must aim not so much to reproduce the exact thing as its sentiment, called kokori mocha, which is the moving spirit of the scene.  It must not be a facsimile.  

“…the privileged departure, the false made to seem true.” … Horace understood this and lays it down as a fundamental principle in art:  “Quid libet audendi”  [ii]   The artist will oftentimes see from a point of view impossible in nature, but if the result is pleasing the liberty is accorded.”  –Henry P. Bowie’s translation of On the Laws of Japanese Painting…” P. Elder 1911   …

[ii] The weirdest people in the world?  Joseph Henricha1, Steven J. Heinea2 and Ara Norenzayana3 ( Behavioral and Brain Sciences / Volume 33 / Issue 2-3 / June 2010, pp 61- 83.    DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X0999152X (About DOI), Published online: 15 June 2010. 

Abstract.  Behavioral scientists routinely publish broad claims about human psychology and behavior in the world’s top journals based on samples drawn entirely from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) societies. Researchers – often implicitly – assume that either there is little variation across human populations, or that these “standard subjects” are as representative of the species as any other population. Are these assumptions justified? Here, our review of the comparative database from across the behavioral sciences suggests both that there is substantial variability in experimental results across populations and that WEIRD subjects are particularly unusual compared with the rest of the species – frequent outliers. The domains reviewed include visual perception, fairness, cooperation, spatial reasoning, categorization and inferential induction, moral reasoning, reasoning styles, self-concepts and related motivations, and the heritability of IQ. The findings suggest that members of WEIRD societies, including young children, are among the least representative populations one could find for generalizing about humans. Many of these findings involve domains that are associated with fundamental aspects of psychology, motivation, and behavior – hence, there are no obvious a priori grounds for claiming that a particular behavioral phenomenon is universal based on sampling from a single subpopulation. Overall, these empirical patterns suggests that we need to be less cavalier in addressing questions of human nature on the basis of data drawn from this particularly thin, and rather unusual, slice of humanity. We close by proposing ways to structurally re-organize the behavioral sciences to best tackle these challenges.

[iii]Westerners and Easterners see the world differently” by Zeeya Merali – NS, 22 August 2005

Chinese and American people see the world differently – literally. While Americans focus on the central objects of photographs, Chinese individuals pay more attention to the image as a whole, according to psychologists at the University of Michigan, in Ann Arbor, US. // “There is plenty of anecdotal evidence suggesting that Western and East Asian people have contrasting world-views,” explains Richard Nisbett, who carried out the study. “Americans break things down analytically, focusing on putting objects into categories and working out what rules they should obey,” he says.

By contrast, East Asians have a more holistic philosophy, looking at objects in relation to the whole. “Figuratively, Americans see things in black and white, while East Asians see more shades of grey,” says Nisbett. “We wanted to devise an experiment to see if that translated to a literal difference in what they actually see.”

The researchers tracked the eye-movements of two groups of students while they looked at photographs. One group contained American-born graduates of European descent and the other was comprised of Chinese-born graduate students who came to the US after their undergraduate degrees.  // Each picture showed a striking central image placed in a realistic background, such as a tiger in a jungle. They found that the American students spent longer looking at the central object, while the Chinese students’ eyes tended to dart around, taking in the context.

Harmony versus goals.  Nisbett and his colleagues believe that this distinctive pattern has developed because of the philosophies of these two cultures. “Harmony is a central idea in East Asian philosophy, and so there is more emphasis on how things relate to the whole,” says Nisbett. “In the West, by contrast, life is about achieving goals.” 

Psychologists watching American and Japanese families playing with toys have also noted this difference. “An American mother will say: ‘Look Billy, a truck. It’s shiny and has wheels.’ The focus is on the object,” explains Nisbett. By contrast, Japanese mothers stress context saying things like, “I push the truck to you and you push it to me. When you throw it at the wall, the wall says ‘ouch’.”  //  Nisbett also cites language development in the cultures. “To Westerners it seems obvious that babies learn nouns more easily. But while this is the case in the West, studies show that Korean and Chinese children pick up verbs – which relate objects to each other – more easily.  //  “Nisbett’s work is interesting and suggestive,” says John Findlay, a psychologist specialising in human visual attention at Durham University, UK. “It’s always difficult to put an objective measure on cultural differences, but this group have made a step towards that.”   //  Nisbett hopes that his work will change the way the cultures view each other. “Understanding that there is a real difference in the way people think should form the basis of respect.”  //  Journal reference: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (vol 102, p 12629). 

[iv] Critiques of B&R: 

  • Cultural transmission is affected by various biases. Boyd and Richerson emphasize particularly conformism, norm obedience, and the imitation of prestigious individuals, which are known as “context biases.” Others like Sperber (1996) have emphasized the importance of our cognitive systems (called “attractors”) in cultural evolution: Some cultural variants spread because they fit our cognitive systems. For instance, meat taboos spread because meat is an evolved trigger of our disgust reaction (Fessler and Navarrete 2003). Although Boyd and Richerson do not deny the importance of attractors, they pay little attention to them. The relative importance of both types of biases in different domains is an important empirical issue (see Henrich and Boyd 2002).

[v] Even artificial intelligence can acquire biases against race and gender  By Matthew Hutson  SCIENCE  Apr. 13, 2017 , 2:00 PM

One of the great promises of artificial intelligence (AI) is a world free of petty human biases. Hiring by algorithm would give men and women an equal chance at work, the thinking goes, and predicting criminal behavior with big data would sidestep racial prejudice in policing. But a new study shows that computers can be biased as well, especially when they learn from us. When algorithms glean the meaning of words by gobbling up lots of human-written text, they adopt stereotypes very similar to our own.

“Don’t think that AI is some fairy godmother,” says study co-author Joanna Bryson, a computer scientist at the University of Bath in the United Kingdom and Princeton University. “AI is just an extension of our existing culture.”

The work was inspired by a psychological tool called the implicit association test, or IAT. In the IAT, words flash on a computer screen, and the speed at which people react to them indicates subconscious associations. Both black and white Americans, for example, are faster at associating names like “Brad” and “Courtney” with words like “happy” and “sunrise,” and names like “Leroy” and “Latisha” with words like “hatred” and “vomit” than vice versa.

To test for similar bias in the “minds” of machines, Bryson and colleagues developed a word-embedding association test (WEAT). They started with an established set of “word embeddings,” basically a computer’s definition of a word, based on the contexts in which the word usually appears. So “ice” and “steam” have similar embeddings, because both often appear within a few words of “water” and rarely with, say, “fashion.” But to a computer an embedding is represented as a string of numbers, not a definition that humans can intuitively understand. Researchers at Stanford University generated the embeddings used in the current paper by analyzing hundreds of billions of words on the internet.

Instead of measuring human reaction time, the WEAT computes the similarity between those strings of numbers. Using it, Bryson’s team found that the embeddings for names like “Brett” and “Allison” were more similar to those for positive words including love and laughter, and those for names like “Alonzo” and “Shaniqua” were more similar to negative words like “cancer” and “failure.” To the computer, bias was baked into the words.

IATs have also shown that, on average, Americans associate men with work, math, and science, and women with family and the arts. And young people are generally considered more pleasant than old people. All of these associations were found with the WEAT. The program also inferred that flowers were more pleasant than insects and musical instruments were more pleasant than weapons, using the same technique to measure the similarity of their embeddings to those of positive and negative words.

The researchers then developed a word-embedding factual association test, or WEFAT. The test determines how strongly words are associated with other words, and then compares the strength of those associations to facts in the real world. For example, it looked at how closely related the embeddings for words like “hygienist” and “librarian” were to those of words like “female” and “woman.” For each profession, it then compared this computer-generated gender association measure to the actual percentage of women in that occupation. The results were very highly correlated. So embeddings can encode everything from common sentiments about flowers to racial and gender biases and even facts about the labor force, the team reports today in Science.

“It’s kind of cool that these algorithms discovered these,” says Tolga Bolukbasi, a computer scientist at Boston University who concurrently conducted similar work with similar results. “When you’re training these word embeddings, you never actually specify these labels.” What’s not cool is how prejudiced embeddings might be deployed—when sorting résumés or loan applications, say. For example, if a computer searching résumés for computer programmers associates “programmer” with men, mens’ résumés will pop to the top. Bolukbasi’s work focuses on ways to “debias” embeddings—that is, removing unwanted associations from them.

Bryson has another take. Instead of debiasing embeddings, essentially throwing away information, she prefers adding an extra layer of human or computer judgement to decide how or whether to act on such biases. In the case of hiring programmers, you might decide to set gender quotas.

People have long suggested that meaning could plausibly be extracted through word cooccurrences, “but it was a far from a foregone conclusion,” says Anthony Greenwald, a psychologist at the University of Washington in Seattle who developed the IAT in 1998 and wrote a commentary on the WEAT paper for this week’s issue of Science. He says he expected that writing—the basis of the WEAT measurements—would better reflect explicit attitudes than implicit biases. But instead, the WEAT embeddings more closely resemble IAT biases than surveys about racial and gender attitudes, suggesting that we may convey prejudice through language in ways we don’t realize. “That was a bit surprising,” he says. He also says the WEAT might be used to test for implicit bias in past eras by testing word embeddings derived from, say, books written in the 1800s.

In the meantime, Byron and her colleagues have also shown that even Google is not immune to bias. The company’s translation software converts gender-neutral pronouns from several languages into “he” when talking about a doctor, and “she” when talking about a nurse.

All of this work “shows that it is important how you choose your words,” Bryson says. “To me, this is actually a vindication of political correctness and affirmative action and all these things. Now, I see how important it is.”

Technology   DOI: 10.1126/science.aal1053   Matthew Hutsona freelance writer covering technology for Science.